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Forever in Love

About Abortion

Death penalty not far removed

Mothers in control

Numing Down

Parents should remember

PRO-CHOICE COMMERCIAL

The Abortion Court

Whose Fringe? What Mainstream?

Answering Pro-Abortion Politicians

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About Abortion

    "Every voice matters in the public forum. Every vote counts. Every act of responsible citizenship is an exercise of significant individual power. We must exercise that power in ways that defend human life, especially those of God's children who are unborn, disabled or otherwise vulnerable. We get the public officials we deserve...

    No public official, especially one claiming to be a faithful and serious Catholic, can responsibly advocate for or actively support direct attacks on human life ... Those who justify their inaction on the grounds that abortion is the law of the land need to recognize that there is a higher law, the law of God." Living the Gospel of Life: A Challenge to American Catholics, a Statement by the Catholic Bishops of the United States

 

 

 

The Abortion Court

    The Dred Scott Decision of 1857, which held that, according to the Constitution, black slaves were property and not citizens, is the only decision in history comparable to the June 28 decision by the current Court that aborting a baby half-way out of the birth canal is not killing the baby. It took the Civil War to overrule the Dred Scott debacle. One wonders what it will take to overrule the decision that Nebraska's ban on partial-birth abortions is unconstitutional.

    The Court ignored logic, scientific medical opinion and plain horse sense to protect the broadest possible interpretation of the Roe v. Wade decision of 1973. It showed in June that its first allegiance is to the Supreme Court as an institution rather than to the truth, or to the separation of powers, or to the will of the people expressed in law.

    They have the gruesome pictures of a baby being born, having its brain sucked out by an abortionist while most of its nine-month body is already delivered. When showed in the U.S. Congress, even die-hard pro-abortion legislators were moved to outlaw the partial-birth abortion procedure twice, only to have Clinton veto the ban.

    The Court majority  ignored the evidence of the pictures in order to protect the 1973 precedent at all costs. They did the same with the testimony of the American Medical Association, which has a resolution on the books for a couple years already declaring that partial-birth abortion is never necessary to preserve the life or health of the mother.

    Society uses the cessation of brain activity to define when life ends, and the Court accepts This scientific opinion. Research has shown for some time already that by the beginning of the third trimester (the seventh month in the womb) babies are able to live outside the mother, certainly a proof of personhood. Now research is showing that by the beginning of the third trimester the baby has sensations and brain activity and exhibits other signs of formed humanity. Despite all this evidence, the Court ignores the onset of brain activity as the sign that human life has already begun.

    Thirty other states, including Michigan, have laws similar to the Nebraska law that was shot down. The justices disagreed on just how their June 28 ruling will affect the 30 other state laws, but more litigation is sure to come. What should Christians and other right-thinking persons do about this?

    First, keep up the public education efforts of the prolife movement and organizations like Right-to-Life of Michigan. Surveys show that public opinion is moving away from unrestricted abortion-on-demand and is heavily against the partial-birth abortion procedure. Yet the abortion industry and the extreme feminists are a powerful lobby. Right-to-Life deserves our dollars and our volunteer hours for the sake of the unborn.

    Second, vote pro-life in Election 2000. Al Gore, for instance, has publicly assured the pro-abortion alliance that he will never propose a judge for the Supreme Court who does not support Roe v. Wade. The Michigan candidates for the U.S. Senate and House are all on record regarding the unborn, and we should support those who are pro-life.

    Third, pray more often and more fervently to "the Lord, the Giver of Life" on behalf of our country and the unborn. It may seem now that the overturn of Roe v. Wade is hopeless in our time, but step by step it can be made to go the way of Dred Scott. It took a war to undo Dred Scott 135 years ago; a less drastic Act of God could do away with Roe v. Wade also.

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Whose Fringe? What Mainstream?

   The Ashcroft confirmation hearings in January reinforced the intuition that virtually all American politics since the Cold War has become abortion politics.

    The former Missouri senator's opponents (including such Catholics as Sens. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts, Joseph Biden of Delaware and Patrick Leahy of Vermont) seemed determined to use the Ashcroft nomination to establish a crucial point: that anyone who judges Roe vs. Wade wrongly decided, or who thinks that Roe's open-ended abortion license is susceptible to further discussion, is outside the mainstream of American public life - and thus unfit for public office. That this had as much to do with future Supreme Court nominees as with John Ashcroft's fate was as obvious as it was obnoxious.

    The notion that commitment to abortion-ondemand is a fundamental requirement for public service in the United States is arrogance cubed. So is the determination of the federal judiciary to keep the public from deliberating the question. Cardinal William Keeler of Baltimore made these points forcefully at the Vigil for Life Mass held at the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception the evening before the annual March for Life:

    "The abortion license established by Roe vs. Wade is an evil in its own right; it is also corrupting various other aspects of our public life. In the Carhart decision, the Supreme Court simply nullified a 99-1 - 99- I! - vote by the Nebraska state legislature banning partial-birth abortion. How can we say that 'we, the people' are governing ourselves when the federal judiciary continues to deny us the right to do precisely that in this grave matter?

    "The Supreme Court's decision in the matter of peaceful protest and counseling at abortion clinics is also deeply disturbing. Are we now to conclude that the abortion license is the right-that-trumpsall-other-rights - including the right of free speech - in the United States?

    "There is something strikingly lethal about the abortion license. Like a virus of special virulence, it poisons healthy tissues far beyond its original point of insertion into the body politic. At the moment, it seems to be poisoning the political process here in Washington, as nominees who hold

    a conscientious pro-life position are being subjected to media assault and partisan attack for their moral convictions. This is profoundly undemocratic.

    "The people of the United States emphatically do not support an unrestricted right of abortion-ondemand at any stage of a pregnancy. The people do not support this. Poll after poll indicates that the majority of the American people reject the resort to abortion in the majority of cases in which abortions are performed.

    "In these circumstances, is it not arrogant and unacceptable for some to claim that only those who share their radical pro-choice convictions can be trusted with the enforcement of our laws? Is it not arrogant and unacceptable to suggest, as has been subtly suggested in recent weeks, that the abortion debate is over? It is arrogant and unacceptable to make unswerving allegiance to Roe v. Wade a litmus test for high public office in the United States.

    "So let us, by all means, examine the credentials of those nominated to high office. But let us also make it known that we the people will not accept the notion that acquiescence to Roe v. Wade is the price to be demanded from all who would pass the scrutiny of the United States Senate."

    The cardinal received a standing ovation, which suggests that pro-life activists will refuse to behave according to the Kennedy-Biden-Leahy script and acquiesce in their own marginalization. It was also helpful for Cardinal Keeler to point out that most Americans oppose the legality of most of the abortions that are performed in the United States - abortions meant to resolve the dilemma of unwanted pregnancy. The survey research strongly suggests that it is Sens. Kennedy, Biden and Leahy who are the fringe characters in this ongoing national drama.

    For 27 years, pro-life Americans have been told to "get over it" - to accept that abortion-ondemand is settled national policy. The KennedyBiden-Leahy show during the Ashcroft hearings was another attempt to send that message. Well, we're not getting over it, gentlemen, and we're not going to allow your radical fringe to define itself as the mainstream.

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Mothers in control

    To the grief of my children, the music tape we had selected in the car one morning got put on hold while I carried on a one-sided conversation with the radio. The proponents and opponents of the ban on partial-birth abortion were holding a gentle debate.

    Eventually the kids gave up trying to get me to turn off the debate and slowly became listeners themselves. They heard arguments from both sides, but one thing stood out as illogical, even to my children's young minds:

    How does killing a baby that is mostly born benefit a, mother's health?

    The inescapable fact is that it doesn't.

    With this debate fresh on my mind and Mother's Day recently past, I started wondering, what is the dictionary definition of "mother"? I found: "A woman in control or authority."

    Mothers frequently have control or authority, I thought. In fact, strength in mothering is essential to the health and development of a child. It's a good thing. Control becomes bad, however, when it is harmful, such as in the act of abortion.

    When was the last time we heard a proponent of abortion say that it is good, even natural, for a mother to take the life of her unborn child? That is never promoted, of course. Mostly, we hear about a woman's rights or her loss of control. Abortion advocates know that their position would never be accepted on the proposition that abortion is a good thing, so they promote personal rights, control and health instead. They must disguise the cruelty of abortion. That's why we never hear, "Abortion is such a good thing for women and children" but rather, "It's your choice."

    As expected, the debate on the radio moved into the area of women's health. Since the act of abortion cannot be promoted on the basis of it's being a good thing, another angle has to be thrown in. In the argument for partial-birth abortion, advocates now claim a woman's health might be endangered suddenly - in mid-delivery creating the need to take the life of the child before he or she is born.

    With modem technology today, who among us can believe that scenario?

    My mother often speaks with authority when she lovingly says, "It doesn't matter how old you are, I'll always be your mother."

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PRO-CHOICE COMMERCIAL

By Bishop Kenneth J. Povish

    We in central Michigan have been seeing a sophisticated "pro-choice," i.e., pro-abortion, commercial on our television screens of late. I don't know whether the NARAL Foundation, its sponsor, has been showing it in the northern counties as much. But apparently pro-life Michigan is causing considerable concern for abortion advocates.

    NARAL's (National Abortion Rights Action League's) commercial is professionally well done. It was shown nightly several times for weeks during the early and late evening news as well as during all the MSU Spartan basketball games on their way to the Sweet Sixteen. It's in black-and-white and sepia-and-white, so it looks like a documentary. It features little girls, teenage girls, young adult women and elderly women. They are of African-, Asian-, Native-, and European-American descent. The message repeated over and over is that choice is the greatest value; and the final words are, "The greatest of human freedoms is choice."

    What causes the commercial to flunk - go below zero on a scale of one to 10 - is that it fails to be explicit about the choice. Choice to do what? As Lutheran pastor Eldor Bickel put it so well in a letter to the editor of the Lansing State Journal, "Freedom to choose is a gift ... Society puts a limit on choice. We are not permitted to choose murder, theft or perjury. There are boundaries. We are free to choose but not at the expense of others ... True freedom is to serve. Choice that thinks only of oneself and is indifferent to the welfare of others, including the unborn child, is bondage."

    These are arguments even the most politically correct secularist ought to be able to understand. Pastor Bickel's letter gave arguments from Scripture too, and they are enough for us who believe. But for NARAL types his societal argument hits home. If this commercial reaches your community,bear it in mind.

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Parents should remember

By Janet Cassidy

    I like exercising my right to choose..Over the years I have made many choices, some big, important ones, others less significant. Like in November when I get to vote for people to represent me, or in January when I choose hot chocolate over tea on a cold winter's night. I don't want to give up my freedom to choose such things. I was reminded of my great freedoms a few weeks ago when a radio commercial prompted me to exercise one.

    It was one of those commercials that you don't really pay attention to until the millionth time you've heard it. It was convincing. It was loaded with statements about the rights I have been given since the founding of this country. I like my freedom, so that didn't  sound so bad. the voice penetrating my airwaves made statements that sounded real close to the Declaration of Independence or some other document of great importance. It purported freedom.

    We heard it at the breakfast table after we said grace.

    We heard it on our lunch break over peanut butter and jelly sandwiches.

    I heard it in my children's rooms at night as it lulled them to sleep between their favorite songs.

    Eventually we listened.

    What we heard was ugly - real ugly.

    This commercial didn't have anything to do with the freedoms we have been given in this country, except one - the right to life, or more accurately, the right to take it away. It was steeped in o-

    influence these radio and television commercials have on our children over an extended period of time is very worrisome.

    At a conference last year, I had the chance to listen to a speaker addressing the potential effects of bad music on young people. He said that many of us don't take very good care of ourselves, that we enjoy high-fat foods, a sedentary lifestyle and, perhaps, a few vices like smoking or drinking. Usually we get along fine, but eventually the cholesterol count goes up, the waistline goes out, and the arteries get clogged. Often these changes are gradual and we don't notice them until they cause us harm. Much like the effects of some music. Gradually, a negative build-up occurs.

    I thought of this when I realized what the potential influence this commercial and others like it could have over a period of time - especially on vulnerable listeners such as our children. We mustn't be lulled into acceptance by the repetition of a message we have become bored with.

    We must learn to recognize and denounce messages that oppose the Gospel of Life. I found a gem of a statement in the documents written at the Second Vatican Council: "Parents on their part should remember that it is their duty to see that entertainment and publications which might endanger faith and morals do not enter their houses and that their children are not exposed to them elsewhere." (Decree on the Means of Social Communication, Chapter 1, pg. 287)

    What a challenge! The next time those prochoice commercials come on, join me in exercising our freedom of choice by turning them off before they turn your children on.

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Numing Down

By George Weigel

My friend Lorena Bottum had taken her daughter to a park in an affluent Washington neighborhood when she fell into conversation with two other mothers. What began as a pleasant exchange about baby-sitters, supermarkets and doctors eventually turned chilling.

    One of the women was married to a foreign service officer who had recently been notified of an impending assignment abroad. "The same week that Bob got his 'warning that we have to go overseas," she said, "I missed by period. And I thought to myself, 'Oh, no, not another abortion!"'

    "Oh, I know," said the other woman, while Bottum listened in amazement. "It's so expensive, and you feel sick for days afterward." "And right in the middle of moving," the wife of the foreign service officer concluded. "But it turned out to be a false alarm."

    In relating this story to readers of the Wall Street Journal, Lorena Bottum argued that these women weren't moral monsters. Rather, they were moral ciphers, "best described not so much in positive terms as in double negatives: not unfriendly, not unkind, not unintelligent, not uneasy." Taught by our laws that an abortion is of no more moral consequence than an appendectomy, they inevitably fail the test when the crisis comes. An abortion to avoid unpleasantness in packing up one's house becomes not an agonizing, wrenching "choice," but a cost-benefit analysis with an obvious answer.

    All of which has something to do with the recent horror in Littleton, Colo.

    "Defining deviancy down" has become a staple phrase in discussions of crime, juvenile delinquency and other social pathologies. Perhaps one of the lessons of the Columbine High School massacre is that, in addition to dumbing down deviancy, contemporary American culture and law have been numbing down moral sensibilities.

    Twenty-plus years of abortion-on-demand have numbed Lorena Bottum's neighbors' consciences. The murderous antics of Jack Kevorkian were given prime-time exposure on CBS: a case of the numbed down further numbing down a mass audience. Video games, TV programs, movies and other forms of "entertainment" that gratuitously display extreme violence have numbed down the moral sensibilities of both adults and teenagers.

    And that, it seems to me, has more to do with explaining the Columbine High School massacre than the public policy positions of the National Rifle Association - with most of which, I should add, happen to disagree.

    During the pope's visit to St. Louis, a reporter asked whether I didn't think John Paul II's warnings about a "culture of death" were off-putting; surely there was some other way to voice these concerns. I wonder if my reportorial friend would rephrase his question in the aftermath of the slaughter in Littleton? Or after one of America's most honored television programs gave the pathological ghoul Kevorkian the publicity he craves?

    When life is reduced to a commodity; when utility measures a person's worth; when the mysteries of life-giving and dying are degraded into exercises in pragmatic calculation; when sex is another contact sport and violence is entertainment; when childhood is stripped of innocence: that, it seems reasonable to suggest, is a "culture of death." The numbing down of moral sensibilities is one of its causes.

    In the immediate aftermath of the Columbine massacre, there were numerous calls for enhanced school counseling programs to try to prevent such things in the future. I wish them well, but I doubt they're the answer. Why, after all, do we allow young people to be exposed to the kinds of degraded "entertainment" that, evidently, helped warp the minds and spirits of the Columbine murderers? Doesn't prevention have a certain priority here?

    It is time to revisit the question of censorship. The claim that any censorship of television, movies, video games, CDs or the Internet threatens the free speech essential to democracy is ludicrous. Violent trash that feeds the culture of death has no more legitimate claim to constitutional protection than Jack Kevorkian had a constitutional right to murder a man on "60 Minutes."

    While legislators and judges debate restoring censorship, a staple of civilized societies for centuries, parents, consumers, and stockholders have other tools at their disposal: boycotts and shareholder actions. They should be used. The alternative has now been made unmistakably clear.

George Weigel is a senior fellow of the Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington, D.C.

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Priests for life

Death penalty not far removed

By Fr. Frank Pavone

    I was recently discussing abortion with Debbi, who is "pro-choice." At one point she asked me, "Are you against the death penalty?" Now usually, a "let's change the subject" tactic like this should be handled by gently returning to the current subject of the conversation. But in this case, I took a different approach.

    "Oh yes," I said, "I am very much opposed to the death penalty, as is our Priests for Life organization. I preach against it frequently." "I see," Debbi said. I continued, "Yes, you know, the death penalty is bad for a number of reasons. One reason is that it simply feeds into the notion that you can solve the problems of a society by putting people to death." "That's right," Debbi agreed. I went on to say, "We need to find better solutions than just pushing another person out of the way when they present a problem. Human problems demand humane solutions, and killing is not one of them."

    Little did Debbi seem to realize in the midst of this exchange was that I presented to her an argument that applies perfectly well to abortion.

    There is, indeed, an important connection between abortion and the death penalty, and my pro-life work throughout the world has shown me that opponents of abortion are very likely to be opposed to the death penalty as well. Certainly, they are not identical issues. There's a big difference between a criminal and a perfectly innocent baby. Yet at the same time, the difference is not so great as to obscure the equal dignity of both. As John Paul II declared in Evangelium Vitae, "Not even a murderer loses his personal dignity."

    While we use our full strength to abolish both abortion and capital punishment, it is also a healthy perspective to compare the statistics. Official statistics on U.S. executions have been recorded only since 1930 by the U.S. Department of Justice. The figures show there have been 4,381 executions from 1930 until February of this year. There were none in the 1968-1976 period.

    A historian named Watt Espy, director of the Capital Punishment Research Project in Headland, Ala., has traced the history of the death penalty in the U.S. In a work published in 1994, he estimated that 18,645 executions had taken place since the early 1600s in what is now the U.S.

    If you add the 265 that have occurred from 1995 until now, you come up with a figure of 18,910. Turning to abortion, the web site of the Alan Guttmacher Institute (which is strongly pro-abortion) reports that in 1996 alone there were 1.37 million abortions just in the United States. That's 3,753 per day, one every 23 seconds. In other words, the total number of deaths by capital punishment for our entire history is less than the number of deaths by abortion every five days.

    God,bless all who fight the death penalty; God bless all who fight abortion. Let's work together, convinced that even one death, whether by abortion or capital punishment, is one too many.

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    Answering Pro-Abortion Politicians

     If you have ever written to a pro-abortion politician about the right to life, you have probably received a form letter that utilizes one of several worn-out arguments. How does a Catholic answer them?

         1. "I respect your views, but I have to represent all the people." The Catholic response: That’s what we are trying to say to you. Representing all the people starts with protecting all the people. If you neglect the unborn, you are not representing all the people. Roe vs, Wade excludes them from protection; we demand that they be included. A public servant cannot legitimately ignore an entire segment of the public that is being destroyed.

        2. "I’m personally opposed to abortion, but can’t impose my views on others." Our response: This is not a matter of views, but of violence. The law is supposed to protect human life despite to views of those who would destroy it.

    3. The government should not be involved in such a personal decision as abortion. The government got "too involved" in abortion when it claimed to have authority to deprive some human beings of their right to life. The Declaration of Independence asserts that government exists to secure the rights already bestowed by the Creator. Moreover, when somebody's "choice" destroys somebody else's life, that choice is no longer merely a personal, private matter.

       4. Legislation should not be practicing medicine. We're not asking you to practice medicine, but to prevent the abuse of medicine. The practice of medicine is regulated by all kinds of laws that protect the lives of patients. All we ask is that the unborn be included in that protection.

5. Abortion is the law of the land. The "law of the land" can be changed, just as it was changed regarding slavery and segregation. Leadership means seeing the injustice that others miss, and inspiring others to utilize the methods the law permits to make necessary changes.

6. I support women's rights and health. That is precisely why you should examine the evidence, which is more plentiful than ever, that abortion is destructive of women's health, and listen to the growing voices of those who have been harmed by abortion. That is also why you should examine how the abortion industry, through unregulated and dangerous clinics continues to deceive and exploit women.

Taken from "Priests for Life, May-June 2004. Vol 14.

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